These days the buzzword in American diplomacy is "dialogue". The Barack Obama administration has off ered to talk to America's enemies across the globe, more especially in the Middle East. So far, however, the American offer has attracted few takers.
Iran has called for "substantial changes in US foreign policy" as a precondition for putative talks. The Syrians want Washington to shut down the UN investigation into the murder of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri, and insist on reviving their domination of Lebanon before "substantive talks" with Washington. In Afghanistan, the Taliban have called for "the complete withdrawal of foreign troops" before considering Obama's offer of negotiations.
By all accounts, the "dialogue" strategy has reached a dead end, at least for now.
So, what should the US do?
One answer is: If your enemies do not want to talk to you, why not talk to your friends? However, this is precisely what the new US administration does not wish to do. For that would look like continuing the Bush administration's 'failed policies.'
Obama's emissaries to the region have made it clear that the new administration is keener on cultivating its foes than courting its friends.
Concern that the US may be abandoning its allies, or even seeking a reversal of alliances, has led to a number of panic moves by regional powers.
Last week, Saudi Arabia hosted a four-nation summit of Arab leaders in which Syria was welcomed back as a major player in regional politics. In exchange, the Syrians obtained a 'right of observation' in Lebanon that they will use to influence the outcome of that country's forthcoming general election.
Almost at the same time, the Emir of Qatar, Shaikh Hamad Al Thani, flew to Tehran, on a rare visit by a leader of a Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) nation, to attend the Economic Cooperation Organisation conference.
In Afghanistan, President Hamid Karzai's opponents, persuading the Supreme Court to postpone the presidential election, have launched a campaign to prevent him from seeking a second mandate.
Also in Afghanistan, pro-Iran circles are campaigning to invite the Islamic Republic to a forthcoming conference of aid donors as a leading player. They are harping on the theme of Iran as "the reliable protector" of the new regime in Kabul at a time the Americans want to restore the Taliban to power through the backdoor.
In Iraq, concern about the American retreat has divided the Kurds, Washington's strongest allies in that country. Massoud Barzani is trying to forge an alliance with Turkey to counter-balance Iran in the post-American era. Jalal Talabani on the other hand, argues that once the Americans leave only Iran could protect the new Iraq, in which Kurds and Shiites dominate.
Even Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki, always suspicious of Tehran's intentions in Iraq, is feeling obliged to placate the clerics by offering their protégé, Mouqtada Al Sadr, a share of power which the latter failed to win in the recent local elections.
In Pakistan, President Asif Ali Zardari's opponents, convinced that the US no longer backs him, have launched a series of nationwide protests.
Turkey is also worried about US policy. The Turks fear that Obama may strike a 'grand bargain' with the clerics, acknowledging the Islamic Republic as the principal power in the region.
That would leave Turkey in the lurch - unable to join the European Union and marginalised in the Middle East.
Those fears prompted Turkey's President Abdullah Gul to use the excuse of a regional conference for visiting Tehran. There, he became the first Turkish president ever to meet Iran's Supreme Guide Ali Khamenei. The Tehran media used the meeting as the Turkish recognition of Khamenei's position as "Leader of the global Islamic Ummah".
The perception that the US is in retreat while Iran is in the ascendancy is not limited to Qatar and Turkey. During the past weeks, Tehran has played host to a dozen presidents and prime ministers from Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East.
In every case, the idea is to make a deal with the Iranians before Obama makes a deal with them.
Fears of an American surrender to the radical camp, has also persuaded some European powers to try to jump on the bandwagon of appeasement.
Britain has already established an official contact with the Lebanese branch of Hezbollah. France is already deeply engaged in courting Syria, Hamas and Hezbollah.
America's new policy, or lack of it, could have a devastating impact on the chances of democratic forces throughout the region as it faces crucial elections in Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, the occupied Palestinian territories, Egypt and Algeria. America's enemies in the region may achieve a strategic coup before Obama has developed a credible Middle East policy.
Amir Taheri is an Iranian author living in Europe. His new book The Persian Night is just published by Encounter Books in New York and London.